Biodun Iginla, BBC News

Biodun Iginla, BBC News

Friday, November 9, 2012

Exclusive: The last days of a Syrian rebel commander


LATEST UPDATE: 09/11/2012 

BASHAR AL-ASSAD - CIVIL WAR - POPULAR REVOLT - QATAR - SYRIA - UNREST

Exclusive: The last days of a Syrian rebel commander
© Pauline Garaude

Syrian rebel commander Basel Eissa was killed in an air strike in the northern Syrian province of Idlib on Monday. A day before the attack, FRANCE 24 accompanied him on patrol in the former Crusader fortress town.

By Pauline GARAUDE , FRANCE 24's special correspondent in Syria 

 
A tall, bearded rebel commander addresses his fighters in a former administrative building in the Syrian border town of Harem, right by the Turkish frontier in Syria’s northern Idlib province.
Basel Eissa, head of the Shuhada Brigade – also called The Martyrs of Idlib Brigade – exudes the sort of charisma and authority that commands the respect of his men.
“We all love him. He always boosts our morale. Before we go to the front, he reassures us. He plans the fighting teams every morning and dispatches the most battle-hardened and willing ones to the toughest areas. This is a man who pays attention to the morale of his troops in order to get the best out of them,” says Colonel Mehmet, one of men gathered to hear Eissa’s address.
The very next day, Eissa himself would be killed in a government air strike.
His fighters would also come under scrutiny after video footage emerged earlier this week of rebel fighters in Harem gunning down an unarmed man in a dusty alley.
Eissa himself did shout at his men, but was unable to stop them, according to Reuters, whose film crew shot the video in Harem.
The unit has justified its actions, maintaining that the unarmed man was a loyalist Syrian army officer – an argument that would not likely stand up in a war crimes court, but which nevertheless underscores the violations being committed on both sides in this brutal civil war.


But when I meet Eissa in Harem, the sturdily built rebel commander is very courteous, greeting me with a firm handshake and opening the door of his four-wheel drive for me.
"I'll show you around liberated Harem,” he offers effusively.
I sit in the passenger seat beside him. The car stereo is blaring traditional Syrian songs, a surreal juxtaposition in a landscape of rubble, collapsed walls and overhead electrical wires floating in the breeze. The streets are littered with bullet casings, mortar shells, castoff shoes, blood stains, and bits of human flesh that has attracted clumps of flies.
"You see this disaster?" Eissa asks, pointing to a destroyed mosque surrounded by buildings that are still smoldering from an aerial regime bombardment the previous day, which killed 70 people.
A ghost town where rebel fighters roam
A former mechanical engineer, Eissa is considered a hero in the ranks of fighters. In Idlib province, he built his reputation with his first victory in the provincial capital city of Idlib in March. He followed it up with another successful attack in the town of Armanaz in June, where his troops defeated 400 regime soldiers.
In July, he took Salqin, another Idlib town, before launching his assault on the former Crusader fortress town of Harem the next month.
"There is still fighting in the castle but the city center is secure. Our soldiers control six out of seven access roads,” Colonel Shihab, logistics head of the brigade, told me shortly before my meeting with Eissa.
Harem right now is a ghost town: most of the roughly 20,000-strong population has fled to the surrounding villages or have crossed the border into Turkey.
Only the rebels, most of them in civilian clothes with Kalashnikovs slung over their shoulders, are visible.
Some play cards in their spare time. Others amuse themselves by hurtling down the deserted streets of Harem on scooters packed with three men per bike. Others phone their comrades stationed in the Crusader-era castle to ensure they have enough ammunition.
Eissa, who has just got off his walkie-talkie, orders ten men to be posted in their rear base. Rebel fighters on rooftops armed with Katyusha rocket launchers fire mortars at Syrian President Bashar al Assad’s army.
"Let's get out here," he tells me firmly. "In the city, there are some armed, pro-Assad civilians who are ready to fire on us at any time. Look at this wall--a couple of days ago this was not there,” he says, pointing to a piece of graffiti in Arabic that reads, ‘Bashar, don’t worry. We will drink the the rebels' blood to the last drop’.
As the fighting in the citadel drowns out our conversation, Eissa nervously restarts his vehicle. A few minutes later, he stops before an intact house where he regularly meets his inner circle.
"On the ground, we are stronger,” he tells me when we’re inside the house. “The problem is the air strikes. We must change tactics. In three days – maximum - the citadel will be in our hands."
That's all he says. Overhead, a Syrian military helicopter flies over the city before disappearing from the horizon. Eissa is tense. The next day, he will be targeted in this very house and die in a bombing raid with 20 of his men.
SCENES FROM REBEL-CONTROLLED HAREM IN NORTHERN SYRIA
To celebrate the "liberation" of Harem, which fell to the rebels on Oct. 30 after three months of fierce fighting, residents photograph their children on a tank abandoned by Syrian President Bashar al-Assad’s troops. (Photo: P. Garaude)

Wednesday, November 7, 2012

The Best of France24 Observers by the BBC's Biodun Iginla

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Sunday, November 4, 2012


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Republican Presidential Candidate Mitt Romney shakes hands with supporters after a rally at State Fair Park in West Allis, Wisconsin. Romney laid out the closing arguments for his candidacy for President of the United States in his address. UPI/Brian Kersey 
License photo
Published: Nov. 4, 2012 at 5:15 AM
WASHINGTON, Nov. 4  -- 
by Suzanne Gould and Biodun Iginla, BBC News

Republican Mitt Romney has governed a state, run a successful investment firm and brought the U.S. Olympic Committee from the ashes. Now he wants to be president of the United States.
When he announced he planned to take another bite at the presidential apple last year, he said his decision wasn't about one person, but "about the cause of American freedom and greatness," saying he was concerned that the country was on "a dangerous course" because of Washington politics, particularly during the last two years during the administration of President Barack Obama.
Romney sought the Republican presidential nod in 2008, only to bow out to eventual GOP candidate John McCain, the senator from Arizona.
If elected, Romney would be the first Mormon to occupy the White House.
Romney, born in a Detroit suburb, graduated from Brigham Young University and completed law and business degrees in four years at Harvard before beginning his swift climb up the corporate ladder.
Romney entered the management consultant arena in 1977 with Bain & Co. of Boston, where he eventually served as chief executive officer. He also co-founded and led the spin-off, Bain Capital, a private equity investment firm.
He waged an unsuccessful challenge to Sen. Edward M. Kennedy in the 1994 U.S. Senate election.
Romney was appointed in 1999 to organize and steer the 2002 Winter Olympics as president and chief executive officer of the Salt Lake Organizing Committee, resurrecting it from the brink of financial collapse. Romney donated to charity the $1.4 million in salary and severance payments he received for his three years as president and chief executive officer and contributed $1 million to the Olympics.
Romney tried during his 2008 bid to assuage voter concerns his faith would influence his presidency, much as President John Kennedy, a Catholic, did in the 1960s. Romney was active in his faith, acting as a local leader and taking a hands-on role in various activities, including visiting the sick and counseling burdened church members.
"If I am fortunate to become your president, I will serve no one religion," Romney said during a December 2007 speech in Texas. "A president must serve only the common cause of the people of the United States."
Saying America needs "jobs -- lots of jobs" during his acceptance speech during the Republican National Convention in August in Tampa, Fla., Romney pledged to create 12 million jobs through a five-step plan.
First, North America will be energy independent by 2020 by "taking full advantage of our oil and coal and gas and nuclear and renewables."
Next, America's workers will get the skills they need for jobs now and in the future.
Third, new trade agreements will be reached that tip the balance in favor of the United States.
"And when nations cheat in trade," he vowed, "there will be unmistakable consequences."
The fourth element is to assure all entrepreneurs and job creators their investments in the United States "will not vanish as have those in Greece. We will cut the deficit and put America on track to a balanced budget."
Finally, a Romney presidency "will champion small businesses, America's engine of job growth."
He said taxes on business would be reduced, not raised, and regulations that hurt small businesses would be simplified and modernized.
Romney also promises that his first official act would be to repeal the Affordable Care Act, Obama's signature healthcare reform law that has been dubbed "Obamacare."
While governor of Massachusetts, Romney worked with a Democrat-led Legislature to enact the state's near universal health insurance coverage plan.
Romney married Ann Davies, whom he met in high school, in 1969. They have five sons and 18 grandchildren.


Thursday, November 1, 2012

HIT BY CRISIS, GREEK SOCIETY IN FREE-FALL

Nov 1, 7:05 AM EDT
by natalie de vallieres and biodun iginla, bbc news
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AP Photo/Petros Giannakouris
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VIOLENT PROTESTS IN GREECE
ATHENS, Greece -- A sign taped to a wall in an Athens hospital appealed for civility from patients. "The doctors on duty have been unpaid since May," it read, "Please respect their work."
Patients and their relatives glanced up briefly and moved on, hardened to such messages of gloom. In a country where about 1,000 people lose their jobs each day, legions more are still employed but haven't seen a paycheck in months. What used to be an anomaly has become commonplace, and those who have jobs that pay on time consider themselves the exception to the rule.
To the casual observer, all might appear well in Athens. Traffic still hums by, restaurants and bars are open, people sip iced coffees at sunny sidewalk cafes. But scratch the surface and you find a society in free-fall, ripped apart by the most vicious financial crisis the country has seen in half a century.
It has been three years since Greece's government informed its fellow members in the 17-country group that uses the euro that its deficit was far higher than originally reported. It was the fuse that sparked financial turmoil still weighing heavily on eurozone countries. Countless rounds of negotiations ensued as European countries and the International Monetary Fund struggled to determine how best to put a lid on the crisis and stop it spreading.
The result: Greece had to introduce stringent austerity measures in return for two international rescue loan packages worth a total of (EURO)240 billion ($312.84 billion), slashing salaries and pensions and hiking taxes.
The reforms have been painful, and the country faces a sixth year of recession.
Life in Athens is often punctuated by demonstrations big and small, sometimes on a daily basis. Rows of shuttered shops stand between the restaurants that have managed to stay open. Vigilantes roam inner city neighborhoods, vowing to "clean up" what they claim the demoralized police have failed to do. Right-wing extremists beat migrants, anarchists beat the right-wing thugs and desperate local residents quietly cheer one side or the other as society grows increasingly polarized.
"Our society is on a razor's edge," Public Order Minister Nikos Dendias said recently, after striking shipyard workers broke into the grounds of the Defense Ministry. "If we can't contain ourselves, if we can't maintain our social cohesion, if we can't continue to act within the rules ... I fear we will end up being a jungle."
CRUMBLING LIVING STANDARDS
Vassilis Tsiknopoulos, runs a stall at Athens' central fish market and has been working since age 15. He used to make a tidy profit, he says, pausing to wrap red mullet in a paper cone for a customer. But families can't afford to spend much anymore, and many restaurants have shut down.
The 38-year-old fishmonger now barely breaks even.
"I start work at 2:30 a.m. and work `till the afternoon, until about 4 p.m. Shouldn't I have something to show for that? There's no point in working just to cover my costs. ... Tell me, is this a life?"
The fish market's president, Spyros Korakis, says there has been a 70 percent drop in business over the past three years. Above the din of fish sellers shouting out prices and customers jostling for a better deal, Korakis explained how the days of big spenders were gone, with people buying ever smaller quantities and choosing cheaper fish.
Private businesses have closed down in the thousands. Unemployment stands at a record 25 percent, with more than half of Greece's young people out of work. Caught between plunging incomes and ever increasing taxes, families are finding it hard to make ends meet. Higher heating fuel prices have meant many apartment tenants have opted not to buy heating fuel this year. Instead, they'll make do with blankets, gas heaters and firewood to get through the winter. Lines at soup kitchens have grown longer.
At the end of the day, as the fish market gradually packed up, a beggar crawled around the stalls, picking up the fish discarded onto the floor and into the gutters.
"I've been here since 1968. My father, my grandfather ran this business," Korakis said. "We've never seen things so bad."
Tsiknopoulos' patience is running out.
"I'm thinking of shutting down," he said, "I think about it every day. That, and leaving Greece."
JUSTICE
On a recent morning in a crowded civil cases court in the northern city of Thessaloniki, frustration simmered. Plaintiffs, defendants and lawyers all waited for the inevitable - yet another postponement, yet another court date.
Greece's sclerotic justice system has been hit by a protracted strike that has left courts only functioning for an hour a day as judges and prosecutors protest salary cuts.
For Giorgos Vacharelis, it means his long quest for justice has grown longer. Vacharelis' younger brother was beaten to death in a fairground in 2003. The attacker was convicted of causing a fatal injury and jailed. The family felt the reasons behind the 24-year-old's death had never been fully explained, and filed a civil suit for damages. Nearly 10 years later, Vacharelis and his parents had hoped the case would finally be over.
But the court date they were given in late September got caught up the strike. Now they have a new date: Feb. 28, 2014.
"This means more costs for them, but above all more psychological damage because each time they go through the murder of their relative again," said Nikos Dialynas, the family's lawyer.
Vacharelis and his family are in despair.
"If a foreigner saw how the justice system works in Greece, he would say we're crazy," said the 35-year-old.
"Each time we come to court we get even more outraged," he said. "We see a theater of the absurd."
VIGILANTES
In September, gangs of men smashed immigrant street vendors' stalls at fairs and farmers' markets. Videos posted on the Internet showed the incident being carried out in the presence of lawmakers from the extreme right Golden Dawn party. Formerly a fringe group, Golden Dawn - which denies accusations it has carried out violent attacks against immigrants - made major inroads into mainstream politics. It won nearly 7 percent of the vote in June's election and 18 seats in the 300-member parliament. A recent opinion poll showed its support climbing to 12 percent.
Immigrant and human rights groups say there has been an alarming increase in violent attacks on migrants. Greece has been the EU's main gateway for hundreds of thousands of illegal migrants - and foreigners have fast become scapegoats for rising unemployment and crime.
While there are no official statistics, migrants tell of random beatings at the hands of thugs who stop to ask them where they are from, then attack them with wooden bats.
Assaults have been increasing since autumn 2010, said Spyros Rizakos, who heads Aitima, a human rights group focusing on refugees. Victims often avoid reporting beatings for fear of running afoul of the authorities if they are in the country illegally, while perpetrators are rarely caught or punished even if the attacks are reported.
"Haven't we learned anything from history? What we are seeing is a situation that is falling apart, the social fabric is falling apart," Rizakos said. "I'm very concerned about the situation in Greece. There are many desperate people ... All this creates an explosive cocktail."
In response to pressure for more security and a crackdown on illegal migration, the government launched a police sweep in Athens in early August. By late October, police had rounded up nearly 46,000 foreigners, of whom more than 3,600 were arrested for being in the country illegally.
Police say that in the first two months of the operation, there was also a 91 percent drop in the numbers of migrants entering the country illegally along the northeastern border with Turkey, with 1,338 migrants arrested in the border area compared to 14,724 arrested during the same two months in 2011.
HEALTHCARE
At a demonstration by the disabled in central Athens, tempers were rising.
Healthcare spending has been slashed as the country struggles to reduce its debt. Public hospitals complain of shortages of everything from gauzes to surgical equipment. Pharmacies regularly go on strike or refuse to fill subsidized social security prescriptions because government funds haven't paid them for the drugs already bought. Benefits have been slashed and hospital workers often go unpaid for months.
And it is the country's most vulnerable who suffer.
"When the pharmacies are closed and I can't get my insulin, which is my life for me, what do I do? ... How can we survive?" asked Voula Hasiotou, a member of an association of diabetics who turned out for the rally.
The disabled still receive benefits on a sliding scale according to the severity of their condition. But they are terrified they could face cuts, and are affected anyway by general spending cuts and the pharmacy problems.
"We are fighting hard to manage something, a dignified life," said Anastasia Mouzakiti, a paraplegic who came to the demonstration from the northern city of Thessaloniki with her husband, who is also handicapped.
With extra needs such as wheelchairs and home help for everyday tasks such as washing and dressing, many of Greece's disabled are struggling to make ends meet, Mouzakiti said.
"We need a wheelchair until we die. This wheelchair, if it breaks down, how do we pay for it? With what money?"
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