Biodun Iginla, BBC News

Biodun Iginla, BBC News
Showing posts with label dilma rousseff. Show all posts
Showing posts with label dilma rousseff. Show all posts

Sunday, January 13, 2019

Arrest of fugitive leftist militant Cesare Battisti ends 37 years on the run


REGINALDO CASTRO / AFP | Cesare Battisti leaves the Federal Police headquarters in Sao Paulo, Brazil, on March 13, 2015.
A former leftist militant sought by Rome for four murders in the 1970s was arrested in Bolivia on Saturday and will be extradited to Italy. Cesare Battisti managed to remain on the run for almost 40 years, in part due to left-wing leaders’ largesse.
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After almost four decades on the run, Italian former leftist guerrilla Cesare Battisti was arrested in Bolivia on January 12. He had been living in neighbouring Brazil for years under the protection of former leftist president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, despite Italy’s repeated demands for his extradition.
Battisti is expected to be extradited to Brazil from La Paz, then to Italy, Italian authorities told Brazil’s CBN radio network. Italian Interior Minister Matteo Salvini said Sunday that Rome had dispatched a plane carrying Italian police and intelligence officers.
Brazil’s new far-right President Jair Bolsonaro “congratulated” those “responsible for the arrest of the terrorist Cesare Battisti” in a tweet on Sunday. During his 2017 presidential campaign, Bolsonaro vowed to “immediately” extradite Battisti if elected. Outgoing president Michel Temer signed his extradition order in mid-December but the former militant was nowhere to be found. Battisti’s whereabouts remained unknown until his arrest in the Bolivian city of Santa Cruz de la Sierra.
Life on the run
A son of Christian communists, Battisti joined leftist groups at an early age and remained loyal to them throughout Italy’s “dark years”, when the country was waging a battle against both far-left and far-right militants.
In June 1979, Battisti, already a member of the Armed Proletarians for Communism (PAC), was arrested in Milan as part of an investigation into the murder of a local jeweller.
Sentenced in May 1981 to 12 years and 10 months in prison for being a member of an armed group, he escaped from prison in 1981 before fleeing the country, first to France and then to Mexico in 1982.
Battisti returned to France in 1990, protected by the so-called Mitterand doctrine: Then president François Mitterand had granted freedom to former far-left Italian militants who had decided to lay down arms and renounce their violent pasts.
Meanwhile, in March 1993 a Milan court convicted him in absentia of killing two policemen  prison guard Antonio Santoro and officer Andrea Campagna  and taking part in the murder of butcher Lino Sabadin and Milanese jeweller Pierluigi Torregiani, who was shot and killed in front of his two children. Torregiani’s son, then age 15, was shot in the spine and left a paraplegic.
But Battisti, who has always denied involvement in the killings, remained free in France. He worked as the concierge of a residential building before becoming a successful author of highly autobiographical thrillers set in his home country.
Although he enjoyed the support of key left-wing figures in France – such as author Fred Vargas, philosopher Bernard-Henry LĂ©vy and even Socialist ex-president François Hollande – then right-wing president Jacques Chirac brought an end to Mitterand’s policy in June 2004.
Paris finally said it would comply with the order for Battisti’s extradition after multiple requests by Rome.
‘A matter of national sovereignty’
Once again on the run, Battisti fled to Brazil in October 2004. In an interview with Brazilian magazine Istoe, he said he had been helped by French intelligence officers.
Battisti was arrested in Rio de Janeiro in March 2007 and jailed in Brasilia, prompting Italy to once again call for his extradition.
At the time, Brazil was led by leftist president Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, a former union leader. A first Supreme Court ruling on Battisti’s extradition in 2009 left the ultimate decision to the president.
Bowing to pressure from his party’s heavyweights  and following several pro-Battisti public demonstrations  Lula declared that his refusal to extradite the former militant was “a matter of national sovereignty”.
Under Lula Brazil had become a major international actor and was trying to pursue a more independent foreign policy, having grown tired of falling under the influence of more developed countries.
Lula granted Battisti asylum on December 31, 2010, his last day in office.
One of Lula’s ‘biggest mistakes’
But many criticised Lula’s move. According to left-leaning Brazilian magazine Carta Capital, granting Battisti asylum was among the ex-president’s “biggest mistakes”. The Italian criminal “nourished the myth [that he was] a leftist activist, but he is nothing but a murderer”, the magazine wrote last December.
Turin’s chief prosecutor, Armando Spataro, agrees. In an interview with Italian newspaper La Repubblica in mid-December, Spataro said the failure to extradite Battisti “is an affront to Italian democracy and to the people he killed and got killed”. Spataro was in charge of the raids carried out on PAC’s Milanese headquarters in the late 1970s. “Battisti is a murderer of the worst kind,” he said.
Lula’s successor and protĂ©gĂ©e, Dilma Rousseff, a former far-left militant herself, did not revisit Lula’s decision and diplomatic relations between Brazil and Italy cooled. Rome even threatened to boycott the 2014 World Cup, which was hosted by Brazil.
You can always count on us’
Apart from political matters, Battisti’s former French lawyer Éric Turcon told FRANCE 24 the former militant could simply not be extradited, according to the country’s law. “In Brazil, he benefited from Article 5 of the Brazilian constitution, which says that every person who has been arrested or convicted of a political offence in his country and then seeks asylum in Brazil cannot be extradited” from the country.
When Lula’s Worker’s Party was ousted in 2016, official policy on Battisti’s case shifted. First he was placed in preventative detention for trying to cross the border into Bolivia with nearly $6,000 in cash. Later freed, he was placed under electronic surveillance in 2018.
“This all started when Battisti was aged 20,” argues Turcon. “He was convicted in absentia, during an exceptional period, by exceptional laws and by exceptional judges. He claims he never killed anyone.”
The arrival of far-right President Bolsonaro ended Battisti’s life as a “political refugee”. A political and ideological ally to Italy’s populist Matteo Salvini, who said on Sunday Battisti was “nothing but a criminal who should spend his last days in jail”, Bolsonaro tweeted in Italian after the former militant’s arrest.
“Congratulations, and you can always count on us, Minister Salvini!”

Friday, October 26, 2018

Analysis: Brazil’s elections

by Renee Celeste and Biodun Iginla, The Economist Intelligence Unit Political Analysts, Brasilia

Containing Jair Bolsonaro

A president with authoritarian instincts must be challenged by a united democratic opposition

Brazilians face an awful choice. One candidate in the presidential run-off on October 28th is Jair Bolsonaro, a seven-term congressman who venerates dictators and guns, goads police to kill suspected criminals, threatens to banish opponents and belittles women, blacks and gays. His rival is Fernando Haddad, the nominee of the leftist Workers’ Party(pt). Its 13 years in power, from 2003 to 2016, ended in a self-inflicted economic depression and revelations that the party encouraged bribery on an unprecedented scale, in part to prolong its hold on power.
Dilma Rousseff, a pt president, was impeached in 2016 for hiding the true size of the budget deficit. Crime continued to rise after she left office. Nearly 64,000 people were murdered in Brazil last year, a record number. Understandably, Brazilians are enraged. They now look poised to elect Mr Bolsonaro, a populist with authoritarian instincts, as their president.

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That such a man will probably lead Latin America’s largest country is a tragedy. If it happens, it will be because Brazil’s political class has failed the country’s people. Some of the corruption was orchestrated by the pt,but almost all parties took part in it. Today’s crime and economic stagnation are a consequence of a dangerously indebted state that is at once too big and too feeble to provide adequate policing, education and other public services. Nearly all politicians share the blame for that.
Mr Bolsonaro’s probable election will pose a new challenge: ensuring that a president with autocratic impulses does not subvert Brazil’s democracy. It is critical that politicians of all ideologies rise to the occasion. But they cannot forget about the old problems. If Mr Bolsonaro puts forward good ideas for fixing the economy and controlling corruption, he should get help.
Brazil is a relatively young democracy; dictatorial rule ended in 1985. But it is not a weak one. Although Brazilians view congress as a corruption-ridden collection of rent-a-parties, it is not a rubber stamp. It has impeached two presidents in the democratic era and can provide a vital check on Mr Bolsonaro. The judiciary has shown its independence over the past four years through the Lava Jato (Car Wash) investigations. These have implicated scores of politicians and led to the jailing of the pt's leader, Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, a former president. The press is already challenging Mr Bolsonaro, which is why, like Donald Trump, he accuses it of spreading fake news.
Such institutions can thwart some of Mr Bolsonaro’s worst plans. He wants the police to have “carte blanche” to kill. But the main police forces are under the authority of the 27 states. Their governors must reject his trigger-happy philosophy. Congress can stop him from carrying out his threat to stuff the supreme court with pliant judges. Mr Bolsonaro’s proposal to withdraw from the Paris climate agreement and his eagerness to promote development in the Amazon, where rates of deforestation appear to be rising, should alarm the world. Congress and activist groups can stand in his way.
Not all Mr Bolsonaro’s ideas are bad. He has shown more interest than the pt in solving Brazil’s main economic problems (see article). If he is serious about reforming the costly pension system, which threatens Brazil’s financial stability, and eliminating useless rules, congress should co-operate. (Though that is a big “if”.)
The worst effects of a Bolsonaro presidency may be hardest to contain. Already he has damaged Brazil’s democratic culture by praising the former dictatorship, choosing as his running-mate a retired general who has justified military coups under some circumstances, and insinuating that political opponents are enemies of the state. He probably does not intend to be a dictator. But his corrosive rhetoric may make Brazilians more receptive to autocracy in the future. To confront that, Brazil needs an opposition that defends democratic norms and an army determined to remain scrupulously apolitical.
In their despair, Brazilians are about to reject a discredited party in favour of a political adventurer with repellent ideas. That is unlikely to turn out well. Lawmakers, judges, journalists and civil servants will have to work hard to limit the damage.
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