Biodun Iginla, BBC News

Biodun Iginla, BBC News
Showing posts with label Irish border. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Irish border. Show all posts

Sunday, March 10, 2019

ANALYSIS: Main points of draft Brexit agreement


The Brexit deal provides for a transition period ending on December 31, 2020
The Brexit deal provides for a transition period ending on December 31, 2020 AFP
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Brussels 
British MPs will vote on a draft Brexit deal on Tuesday aimed at ensuring a smooth exit from the European Union to be followed by a transition period that could last until 2022.
The agreement was voted down overwhelmingly by parliament in January but the government is hoping that the looming March 29 Brexit deadline will persuade many MPs to change their minds.
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Brexit hardliners have objected in particular to the agreement's "backstop" provisions on the Irish border, which they fear could lock Britain indefinitely into a customs union with the EU.
The government has been holding more discussions with EU officials in an attempt to agree a compromise on the backstop.
The other main points in the agreement are the protection of citizens' rights and Britain's final bill to the EU.
Following are the main points of the deal:
- Transition period -
A transition period lasting until December 31, 2020 would preserve the status quo and allow time for Britain and the EU to negotiate their future relations.
It would also allow governments, businesses and individual citizens to adapt to life after Brexit.
The only major difference during that period is that Britain would no longer be represented in the EU institutions.
Britain would continue to participate in the EU Customs Union and the Single Market and must respect EU rules on free movement of goods, capital, services and labour.
The transition period can be extended once for a period of one or two years, meaning it could last until December 31, 2022.
- Irish 'backstop' -
The deal outlines a "backstop" arrangement to prevent the return of border checks between the British province of Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland if the sides fail to agree a free trade pact following the transition period.
Under the arrangement, Britain and the EU would form a single customs territory and Northern Ireland would also follow EU single market rules on the movement of goods to allow the border to remain free-flowing.
Northern Irish businesses would be able to bring goods into the single market without restrictions.
At any point after the transition period, the EU or Britain could decide that the arrangement was no longer necessary, but they must take the decision together.
Some British MPs fear Britain could be stuck in the arrangement indefinitely, which would hamper its ambition to develop an independent trade policy.
- 'Citizens rights' -
The draft deal preserves the rights of the more than three million EU citizens living in Britain and the one million British citizens living in the EU.
EU and UK citizens, as well as their family members, can continue to live, work or study enjoying equal treatment to host nationals under the respective laws.
It covers all such citizens who arrive before the transition period ends. They will maintain their right to healthcare, pensions and other social security benefits.
EU citizens arriving in Britain after the end of the transition period -- whenever that is -- will be subject to more stringent immigration rules that are currently being debated in the British parliament.
- Brexit bill -
Covering Britain's outstanding financial obligations to the bloc, it calls for a fair settlement for UK taxpayers that the British government estimates to be up to £39 billion (44 billion euros, $51 billion).
- Gibraltar -
With longstanding Spanish claims to Britain's neighbouring Mediterranean outcrop of Gibraltar, all sides sought to defuse any future tensions.
The deal provides for Spanish-British cooperation on citizens' rights, tobacco and other products, environment, police and customs matters.
It sets the basis for administrative cooperation for achieving full transparency in tax matters, fighting fraud, smuggling and money laundering.
- British bases in Cyprus -
The deal aims to ensure no disruption or loss of rights for the 11,000 Cypriot civilians living and working in the areas of the British sovereign military bases.
It aims to ensure that EU law will continue to apply in the base areas, including on taxation, goods, agriculture, fisheries and veterinary and phytosanitary rules.
- Other points -
It oversees the UK's withdrawal from Euratom, the EU treaty on nuclear energy and protects intellectual property, including trademarks as well as more than 3,000 EU geographical indications.
The latter cover regional brands such as Welsh lamb, Parma ham, Champagne, Bayerisches beer, Feta cheese, Tokaj wine, Jerez vinegar.

Thursday, November 15, 2018

ANALYSIS: Into the Brexit endgame

by Emily Straton and Biodun Iginla, The Economist Intelligence Unit Political News Analysts, London
Britain and the European Union

How Parliament should weigh up the Brexit deal

At last, Britain’s game of three-dimensional chess with the European Union is entering its closing phase. On November 14th the two parties published a draft divorce agreement, 585 pages in length. Nearly two-and-a-half years after the British shocked their own government by voting to leave the eu, they are about to discover what Brexit really means.
The game is by no means over. The deal still has to be agreed by the eu and, harder still, by the British Parliament. Several ministers, including the Brexit secretary, resigned in protest; Theresa May could yet be toppled. mps must grapple with multiple loyalties: to their constituents, their parties and their own beliefs, all of which are likely to have shifted since the referendum. Within weeks they will have to make the biggest decision facing Britain, and one of the biggest for Europe, in generations.

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If the country has learned anything since 2016, it is to look before it leaps. Yet, in what well summed up the level of debate on Brexit, hardline Leavers and Remainers alike trashed the deal before they had read a word of it. This makes no sense. The terms of the divorce will take time for mps and those they represent to digest—and they may well be amended by European leaders before Parliament has its vote. Nor is it clear what would happen in the event that the deal were voted down: more negotiating, a second referendum or crashing out without a deal? But as the crunch vote nears, mps must consider how to approach this fateful question.
First, forget the past. The cheating that went on during the campaign, the premature triggering of Article 50 and the thin preparations are maddening. But they are questions for the inquiry that will surely one day dissect this national fiasco. The task before Parliament is to decide in a cool-headed way whether adopting the terms on offer is better for the country than rejecting them.
Those who backed Remain—a group that includes this newspaper, as well as most mps—will find little in the deal to make them think they were wrong. Although it legally sets out only a temporary framework, its terms are clearly worse than the status quo (see article). Yet if they are to respect the referendum, mps should also judge the deal against what voters were promised. The Leave campaign had no formal manifesto, and most of those behind it have since fled the government. But the animating idea was to “take back control”. In some ways the deal does this, notably in immigration, where Britain would reclaim the right to limit migration from Europe. The price of this is being kicked out of the single market, which would hit the economy. mps must decide whether the government is right that the public accepts this trade-off.
In other ways Britain will unequivocally forfeit control. It will stay aligned with many of the single market’s current and future rules, to keep trade flowing and the Irish border open, something the eu has made a condition of any deal. Once outside the eu, Britain will have no say in setting these rules. European judges will still arbitrate on such matters, even though Britain will no longer be able to nominate them. This is not taking back control but giving it up. Meanwhile, as long as it remains in a customs union Britain will not even get the consolation prize of signing trade deals with other countries, something by which many Brexiteers have come to set enormous (and unwarranted) store.
The deal also has implications for the integrity of the United Kingdom. It would keep open the Irish border, but create a deeper regulatory divide between Northern Ireland and mainland Britain. The sad truth is that most English voters do not care much about Northern Ireland. But mps, particularly those from what is formally called the Conservative and Unionist Party, should ask themselves whether it is right that an accidental by-product of Brexit should be a step towards Irish unification.
Hanging over this debate about the pros and cons of the deal is the question of what overturning it would do to the health of Britain’s democracy. Parliament has the legal right to ignore the referendum. But after a record number of people voted (to “take back control”, no less), it could be catastrophic for trust in mainstream parties if it were to do so.
In truth, the democratic argument is more complicated. The vote to leave was an expression not just of Euroscepticism but of a wider frustration. It exposed divisions by age, region and class that the old left-right party divide had covered up. Far from bridging those divides, the bitter arguments since the referendum have if anything caused the two sides to move even further apart. Overturning the vote would risk making them irreconcilable. But adopting a Brexit deal like the one on offer would be unlikely to heal those wounds. Indeed, to the extent that the referendum was a howl by the left-behind against rule by remote and uncaring elites, this form of Brexit could make those problems worse. Anger at unaccountable rulers would not be assuaged by a deal in which Britain followed orders from people it could not elect. And those keen just to get the whole thing over with might find that Brexit marked only the beginning of national argument about the relationship with the behemoth next door.
Nor is it clear that the democratic thing to do is to hold people to the result of a two-year-old, narrowly won referendum, when the consequence of the vote has turned out to be quite different from what many voters expected. Polls suggest that a small majority now prefers Remain to Leave; more might prefer Remain to a compromise like the deal on offer. Almost all mps want to respect the will of the people. The question is whether the people’s will found its perfect and enduring expression in 2016, or whether it might have changed.
There is no simple way out of this endgame. Whether the Brexit deal is accepted or rejected, it will scar Britain for years. And yet too many politicians are still grandstanding. Some Brexiteers still pretend there is a Planb that would deliver a painless exit. Labour is mainly concerned with forcing a general election. That needs to change, and fast. This momentous decision must be made in the most reasoned way possible and with the maximum information available. Politicians of all stripes have spent the past two years talking about the national interest. In the coming weeks they must weigh up where they think it lies.
This article appeared in the Leaders section of the print edition under the headline "Into the endgame"
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Thursday, December 7, 2017

Deal agreed in Brexit talks


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by Isabelle Roussel and Biodun Iginla, BBC News, Brussels
Sufficient progress has been made in Brexit talks, European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker has said; paving the way for talks on the future UK-EU relationship.
Theresa May arrived in Brussels on Friday morning following overnight talks on the issue of the Irish border.
The PM said there would be no hard border and the Good Friday Agreement would be upheld.
EU citizens in the UK "will be able to go on living as before".
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