Biodun Iginla, BBC News

Biodun Iginla, BBC News

Saturday, April 30, 2016

Iraq Shia protesters camp out after storming Green Zone


  • 5 minutes ago

Protesters inside the Green Zone of Baghdad, 30 AprilImage copyright AFP
Image caption Protesters sat on the ground inside the Green Zone as darkness fell
Supporters of a powerful Shia Muslim cleric remain camped outside parliament in Baghdad, a day after thousands stormed the secure Green Zone.
For the first time in weeks of protests they broke into the area, home to embassies and government buildings. A state of emergency has been declared.
Security forces used tear gas and fired shots but there was no major violence.
Demonstrators are angry at delays in approving a new, more transparent government of technocrats.
On Sunday morning, hundreds of people remained outside the main parliament building.
Supporters of Moqtada Sadr think a new government would be less corrupt than the current team, which is based on party and religious loyalties.
Prime Minister Haider al-Abadi has called on them to return to designated protest areas.

A new challenge - BBC Middle East analyst Sebastian Usher

After the dramatic breaching of the walls of the Green Zone and mass entry into parliament, Moqtada Sadr's followers are now settling in for a new phase of their campaign against the political elite.
They have brought their anger and their demands right into the politicians' backyard. Foreign embassies are watching anxiously, too. The security forces fired tear gas to try to stop the influx but there has been no real confrontation so far.
Moqtada Sadr is presenting himself as the voice of the people demanding an end to corruption.
That should make him an ally of the prime minister but his methods seem more like another challenge to Haider al-Abadi's authority.

As darkness fell, the protesters could be seen sitting on lawns or in tents near parliament which they had occupied earlier.
Members of the Sadrist militia group Saraya al-Salam were keeping order in the area, news agencies said.
Followers of Moqtada al-Sadr are seen in the parliament building 30 AprilImage copyright Reuters
Image caption The Shia protesters unfurled banners after storming parliament
Earlier, the demonstrators took over the building after breaking through the blast barriers which surround the Green Zone, toppling sections of the wall.
The push began after MPs failed again to convene in sufficient numbers for a vote on the new cabinet.
Stones were thrown at cars thought to be carrying MPs away from the scene.
Inside the chamber, jubilant demonstrators took up the seats of the deputies and posed for photos.
Earlier, Mr Sadr, who was in the southern city of Najaf, warned that the government would fall if reforms were not made.
"Either corrupt [officials] and quotas go or the entire government will be brought down and no-one will be exempt from that," he said.
"I stand by the people today, no-one else, and boycott all the politicians, except those who want real reforms, with all transparency and honesty, waiting for the great popular uprising and the major revolution to stop the march of the corrupt."
Protesters outside parliament in Baghdad, 30 AprilImage copyright AFP
Image caption Groups of women could be seen among the mostly male protesters
Flattened blast walls in the Green Zone, Baghdad, 30 AprilImage copyright Reuters
Image caption Protesters toppled blast walls to reach the building
Media captionProtesters enter the Iraqi parliament building
Mr Sadr wants Prime Minister Abadi to commit to a plan to replace ministers with non-partisan technocrats.
Powerful parties in parliament have refused to approve the change for several weeks.
Earlier this week, hundreds of thousands of people marched towards the Green Zone to protest against the political deadlock.
Iraq's system of sharing government jobs has long been criticised for promoting unqualified candidates and encouraging corruption.
Mr Abadi, who came to power in 2014, has promised to stamp out corruption and ease tensions with the Sunni Muslim minority.

Who is Moqtada Sadr?

Iraqi Shia cleric Moqtada al-Sadr speaks during a news conference in Najaf, south of Baghdad, 30 April 2016Image copyright Reuters
The Shia cleric and his militia group, the Mehdi Army, gained prominence after the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, galvanising anti-US sentiment. Mr Sadr's followers clashed repeatedly with US forces, whose withdrawal the cleric consistently demanded.
An arrest warrant was issued for Mr Sadr in 2004 in connection with the murder of a rival cleric.
His militia was also blamed for the torture and killing of thousands of Sunnis in the sectarian carnage of 2006 and 2007. Mr Sadr fled to Iran during that period.
In 2011, Mr Sadr returned from his self-imposed exile to Iraq, taking a more conciliatory tone and calling for Iraqi unity and peace.

More on this story

Media mergers


All latest updates

Comcast buys DreamWorks Animation in an effort to rival Disney

The parent of NBC Universal is buying the studio for $3.8 billion



THE film “Shrek” is a send-up of fairy tales made by DreamWorks Animation, a studio run by Jeffrey Katzenberg. In the film the real butt of the joke is the Walt Disney Company, which Mr Katzenberg left acrimoniously in 1994. Disney’s commercial exploitation of its characters in songs, toys and theme parks has long been an easy target for satire. Disney has also long been the envy of the industry. It is a kingdom that Mr Katzenberg helped to build but was denied the chance to rule.
Now he is helping to build a rival kingdom. On April 28th Comcast, the parent of NBC Universal, announced that it would buy DreamWorks Animation for $3.8 billion. DreamWorks stockholders will receive $41 per share in the deal, which should be completed by the end of the year, subject to regulatory approval. The acquisition brings together the animation studio’s popular franchises, including “Shrek” and “Kung Fu Panda”, with NBC Universal’s television channels, theme parks and consumer products business.
The purchase shows that NBC Universal is the only company that can come close to matching Disney’s portfolio of franchises, theme parks and merchandising. Under Bob Iger, its chief executive since 2005, Disney has invested heavily in content, buying Pixar Animation Studios in 2006, Marvel Entertainment in 2009 and Lucasfilm in 2012. The spending spree totalled $15.5 billion, but each property has become more valuable as part of Disney’s empire of monetisation. Disney’s market capitalisation has soared by more than $120 billion since the purchase of Pixar was announced in January 2006, to $172 billion today.
The DreamWorks deal is unlikely to prove quite as magical for Comcast. The acquisition might seem at first glance to be comparatively a steal, at about half of Pixar’s $7.4 billion price tag. But the circumstances are rather different. When it bought Pixar, Disney was in turmoil. The deal brought it not just hugely successful franchises, like “Toy Story”, but also visionary executives who turned around Disney’s own animation studio, which had become a shambles.
In contrast, DreamWorks’ biggest hits were some time ago. The last of the “Shrek” films was released in 2010. And NBC Universal has been on a strong run, helping support Comcast’s share price in a challenging time for cable companies, with concerns about cord-cutting and competition for content. Blockbuster franchises, including “Jurassic World” and “Furious 7”, helped make NBC Universal the top Hollywood studio with $2.4 billion in American box office receipts last year and $6.9 billion globally, narrowly beating Disney. Universal also already has a successful animation business called Illumination Entertainment. Run by Chris Meledandri, it has churned out blockbusters like “Minions” and the “Despicable Me” franchise.
Mr Meledandri, not Mr Katzenberg, will be running the newly combined animation business. There is more than a little irony in this. Instead of controlling a studio, Mr Katzenberg will be in charge of a new division called DreamWorks New Media. Just as he revived Disney’s animation in the 1980s and early 1990s with hits like “The Little Mermaid” and “The Lion King”, Mr Katzenberg can take credit for building DreamWorks Animation into a rival that Comcast felt compelled to buy. Yet while he has helped build another great kingdom, he still does not get to rule it.


Friday, April 29, 2016

What is the point of the Arab League?

Snoozing while the region smoulders

All latest updates


The sad decline of a once-bold organization



WITH Syria and Libya aflame, with Iran challenging the Gulf Arabs for mastery of the region and with America questioning its role as ultimate guarantor of stability, this ought to have been a time, one might have thought, for the Arab League to assert itself. Instead, the body appears to drift ever deeper into irrelevance. Its idea of renewal, it seems, is simply to replace its octogenarian secretary-general with a septuagenarian, an uninspiring transfer that is due to happen on July 1st.
Once, it promised to bind the various Arab countries together and forge a superstate, much as Bismarck did Germany or the Risorgimento did Italy. Founded in 1945 in Cairo when Egypt was an anti-imperial beacon, the Arab League helped make the careers of such 20th-century titans as Gamal Abdel Nasser and Houari Boumedienne. Many of the Arab League’s leaders rallied the masses against British and French colonial rule and dispatched their armies in successive waves against Israel. These days it can barely gather the energy to choose a new head. When, earlier this year, Egypt insisted on yet another retired foreign minister, Ahmed Aboul Gheit, other Arab states, led by Qatar, openly petitioned for an alternative. Better a candidate closer to the Arab mean age of 22, they reasoned, than an uncharismatic septuagenarian and a relic from the sclerotic Mubarak era cast aside within weeks of the Arab spring. None, however, was forthcoming, and Mr Gheit was elected unopposed.
Arab wrangling is nothing new. Critics have decried the gap between the rhetoric and the reality from the outset. The Arab League’s first battle, for Palestine in 1948, was an ill-co-ordinated rout. Successive attempts at uniting members and joining forces against Israel quickly unravelled. But now something seems rotten not just in the institution but the ideology it represents. “The league is obsolete,” says Khairallah Khairallah, a veteran Arab opinion-writer from Lebanon. “It was built to respond to the 1940s and we’re now in the 21st century. The idea of Arab nationalism is dead.”
Economically, the promise of an Arab free-trade zone never materialised. Less than 10% of the Arab world’s trade is between Arab states. Politically, Israel, its first rallying cry, no longer offers much glue. The boycott on the Zionist entity has more traction in Europe than in much of the Middle East, and some Arab states make it easier for Israelis to enter than Palestinians. Foreigners are seeping back militarily, too. America rules Iraq’s skies, non-Arab neighbours encroach on its turf and the Kurds all but rule themselves. To cap it all, Britain is set to reopen its first naval base east of Suez later this year, in Bahrain. At the Arab League’s last summit one leader lamented that their language was the only thing Arabs still had in common.
Even that now seems under threat. After six decades of Arabisation programmes, the former French colonies in north Africa are abandoning the effort. To the chagrin of its Islamist prime minister, Morocco is reintroducing French as the language of tuition for science and maths. Algeria has declared Tamazight, the indigenous Berber tongue, an official language, and might yet render it in a Latin script. The former British colonies in the Middle East seem to be doing much the same with English. A survey by ASDA’A Burson-Marsteller, a Dubai-based PR company, last year confirmed that young Arabs in the Gulf use English more frequently than Arabic.
The Arab League is not alone in wrestling with the end of an age of heroes, and the erosion of multilateral ideology by resurgent nationalism. But unlike the European Union, it has failed to find a mechanism for managing rivalry. Too paralysed by sectarian and regional differences, it has stood by as its members were engulfed by war. The former standard-bearer of anti-colonialism looked to European powers to sort out the mess, and in Libya even called on Western powers to send in warplanes. So dejected was Morocco at the prospect of hosting another stillborn summit in March that it cancelled its invitations. Perhaps the Arab League’s only real use these days is as a retirement home for Egypt’s politicians.